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Government in Northern Ireland needs to be restored, but also reformed

All those involved in talks to restore power-sharing in Northern Ireland should be thinking about how ministers can tackle their substantial in-tray.

With talks to restore power-sharing in Northern Ireland restarting, Jess Sargeant argues that all those involved should be thinking about how ministers can tackle their substantial in-tray if, and when, they return to work.

More than 1,000 days have passed since the government in Northern Ireland collapsed. The situation has become increasingly unsustainable, but the UK general election result has provided fresh impetus to restore power-sharing at Stormont. But while there is renewed hope, nothing is guaranteed.

Multi-party talks on restoring the Northern Ireland executive have at least started. Julian Smith, the secretary of state for Northern Ireland, has set a deadline of 13 January for agreement to be reached. If the executive is not restored at this point, then he will call an Assembly election. 

Politicians in Northern Ireland, Ireland and the UK should do all they can to get Stormont back up and running, but they should also think about how to address the more entrenched problems Northern Ireland now faces.

The changed political situation may give new impetus to overcoming the roadblocks to restoration

There is some cause for optimism. The conditions in which these talks will take place are perhaps the most favourable to restoring power-sharing since early 2017. Boris Johnson has achieved an unlikely feat of uniting both unionist and nationalist parties in opposition to his Brexit deal, albeit for different reasons. And with Johnson’s huge majority guaranteeing Westminster’s support, the threat of no deal on 31 January has been removed (even if the prospect recurs later in the year) – allowing the parties to return to government without the risk of having to manage economic crisis and civil unrest.

The two main political parties – the Democratic Unionist Party and Sinn Féin – also face increased pressure to re-enter government; both saw their vote drop by 5.4% and 6.7% respectively in the general election. The DUP lost two of its seats and, with the Conservative majority, it also lost the leverage it had enjoyed through its confidence and supply agreement with the previous minority Conservative government. With diminished clout in Westminster, the DUP may find its best chance of being heard is back in Stormont.

There are still difficult issues to resolve. The parties will have to find a way through the stalemate on an Irish Language Act, issues related to the legacy of the Troubles, and reform of the petition of concern mechanism that has in the past operated as a form of community veto. But it is not clear how long Northern Ireland can continue under its current governance arrangements; restoring power is imperative. 

Public services in Northern Ireland are in crisis

Little noticed in rest of the UK during the election campaign, the ongoing nurses strike has dominated the agenda in Northern Ireland. Hospitals have been forced to cancel hundreds of appointments. Paramedics are due to join the strike.

The Royal College of Nursing is calling for pay parity with other parts of the UK as well as improved staffing levels but, without ministers, the Northern Ireland Civil Service claims that its hands are tied. The permanent secretary of the Department of Health has said that he could not go further than his latest offer without overturning the decision of the previous executive, which in his view would not be an appropriate action for a civil servant to take.

The secretary of state has also argued that he does not have authority to act; in the absence of direct rule, he says he has no power to direct Northern Ireland departments. Meanwhile, the political parties also joined the clamour for action, despite the fact that it was their failure to come back into government that stood in the way of a solution. The stalemate is the most acute illustration of the vacuum of power and accountability that has plagued Northern Ireland over the past three years.

Our report on the consequences of the absence of an executive in Northern Ireland found that Northern Ireland civil servants were most concerned about the long-term risk of “stagnation and decay” of public services. The British Medical Association (BMA) and seven royal colleges have called for politicians to get Stormont back up and running to address the “precarious” situation in the health system. At the same time, the schools system has come under increasing pressure, infrastructure projects have stalled and long-standing economic problems are not being addressed.

Northern Ireland needs to be governed better  

The UK and Irish governments and all five political parties in Northern Ireland must do all they can to reach an agreement before the January deadline. But a restored executive will be faced a backlog of ministerial decisions from the last three years.

Our research found that since the power-sharing institutions were established in 1999, governance in Northern Ireland has faced problems. Some, like political competition within the multi-party executive, are related to the unique arrangements that make devolution in Northern Ireland possible, but problematic. Others, like difficulties in making long-term decisions, are not unique to Northern Ireland. Both can be addressed by further reforms.

Our report, Governing Without Ministers, outlines some options. These include establishing independent institutions to examine policy issues based on the evidence and make recommendations to ministers; reforming the Northern Ireland civil service, who at times have been too eager to please ministers; and increasing the capacity of the Assembly – which has only had an official opposition since 2016 – for scrutiny by providing more research resources to members and committees.

These are just ideas for change. Once power-sharing is restored, politicians, business and civil society need a serious discussion on how to make the government not just work, but work better.

All those involved in the current talks need to think about what can be done to both restore the executive and then reform it in a way which helps to reverse the damage caused by the prolonged hiatus of power.

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