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	<title>Blog &#187; Adrian Brown</title>
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	<link>http://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/blog</link>
	<description>Institute for Government Blog</description>
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		<title>Why a year&#8217;s a long time in social investment</title>
		<link>http://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/blog/3853/why-a-years-a-long-time-in-social-investment/?source=rss</link>
		<comments>http://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/blog/3853/why-a-years-a-long-time-in-social-investment/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Fri, 25 Nov 2011 16:46:58 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Adrian Brown</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[New models of governance and public services]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/blog/?p=3853</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[The annual Good Deals conference brought together social entrepreneurs, investors and policymakers to exchange ideas and negotiate deals. You would expect the social investment industry to be riding high as the year draws to a close given that the last 12 months has included the formation of Big Society Capital as well as the launch of numerous investment funds and innovation pilots. The mood should be bullish. But curiously, if anything, confidence in the sector appears to be lower now than a year ago. Talk privately to many of the key players and they admit to a form of collective angst. Fundamental questions about the nature of social investment remain unresolved. Bold aspirations for innovations such as social impact bonds are far more restrained now than this time last year. The government seem far less evangelical about the possibilities of payment by results. The mood is cautious, even reticent. The explanation for this paradox is that the implications of the social investment vision, the linking of social and financial returns, are more profound than people first realised. The logic of social investment, when followed through, challenges existing business models across the sector and requires all the main players to face [...]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
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		<title>Risky business</title>
		<link>http://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/blog/3380/risky-business/?source=rss</link>
		<comments>http://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/blog/3380/risky-business/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Mon, 22 Aug 2011 19:19:48 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Adrian Brown</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[New models of governance and public services]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[PFI]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Private Finance Initiative]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Public Services]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/blog/?p=3380</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Today, the Social Market Foundation (SMF) published a damning report on the government’s flagship Work Programme. Last week, the Treasury Select Committee was similarly scathing about the use of Private Finance Initiative (PFI) contracts to pay for public infrastructure. The connection between the two is government’s apparent inability to successfully measure, price and share risk. Not working Government is increasingly interested in ‘risk sharing’ contracts. The Work Programme uses a special type of arrangement called payment-by-results (PbR) in which the risk of reducing the number of long-term unemployed is passed to companies like Serco and A4E. The Department for Work and Pensions pays out when someone who was previously ‘long-term’ unemployed finds a job. The trick for DWP is to pass just enough risk across to the providers to incentivise innovation and improve outcomes. This depends on the price being paid for each outcome and whether any flat-rate fees are included regardless of outcome. If too little risk is passed to the provider, they won’t be motivated to improve performance and the commissioner risks overpaying for any success that is achieved; if too much risk is passed to the providers, they will demand a high price for success or risk [...]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>1</slash:comments>
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		<title>Shock, chaos and public service reform</title>
		<link>http://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/blog/2611/shock-chaos-and-public-service-reform/?source=rss</link>
		<comments>http://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/blog/2611/shock-chaos-and-public-service-reform/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Tue, 17 May 2011 13:44:00 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Adrian Brown</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Better policy making]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[New models of governance and public services]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Localism]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Public Services]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/blog/?p=2611</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[The Coalition&#8217;s plans for reforming our public services have been breathtakingly bold. From hospitals to schools, criminal justice to welfare, the pace and scale of the proposed reforms have taken many by surprise. But the government seems far more coy when it comes to publishing the long-delayed Public Services White Paper. What’s the problem? Shock therapy and chaos theory The government’s approach to public service reform over the past year has been radical in three different ways. Firstly, the reforms are ambitious in their scope, leaving few stones unturned. The welfare system is being revolutionised rather than tweaked. The health proposals will radically restructure the NHS. Important reform themes include opening up public services to new providers and extending the use of payment by results. Secondly, many policies are being rolled out very rapidly. The first ‘free schools’ will open this September after the Academies Bill was rushed through Parliament in the first few weeks of the Coalition. Many aspects of the health reforms are being implemented even before the legislation has been finalised (which, incidentally, will make them extremely difficult to reverse). Together these two points have been described as &#8220;shock therapy&#8220;- radical reform that is unapologetically revolutionary. Tony [...]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>2</slash:comments>
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		<title>What government IT can learn from cycling in London</title>
		<link>http://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/blog/2026/what-government-it-can-learn-from-cycling-in-london/?source=rss</link>
		<comments>http://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/blog/2026/what-government-it-can-learn-from-cycling-in-london/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Thu, 24 Feb 2011 16:35:20 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Adrian Brown</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[A more effective Whitehall]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Commissioning]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[government IT]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/blog/?p=2026</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Cycling in London requires agility. By that, I don’t mean being limber (although that does help). You need to be prepared to react quickly to changing circumstances and to revise your planned route as circumstances require. Why flexibility is key My commute takes me from Bethnal Green to Westminster. As any London cyclist will tell you there are plenty of alternative routes you could take depending on the time of day, weather, preference for quiet roads and whether you are on the inbound or outbound leg. For example, cycling down The Strand, east to west during the morning rush-hour is a waste of time. The traffic backs up from Trafalgar Square to Aldwych. In the evening, The Strand is fine in the reverse direction except on days where there is a protest taking place in which case you might as well use Victoria Embankment. You get the picture. Imagine if, before setting out, I decided the exact route I would take regardless of any of the conditions I came across along the way. That would be ridiculous and would be likely to make my journey unnecessarily long and maybe even dangerous. When dealing with unpredictability, being flexible is the best [...]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>9</slash:comments>
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		<item>
		<title>Banking on the Big Society</title>
		<link>http://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/blog/1960/banking-on-the-big-society/?source=rss</link>
		<comments>http://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/blog/1960/banking-on-the-big-society/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Tue, 15 Feb 2011 10:54:22 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Adrian Brown</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[New models of governance and public services]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Big Society]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Localism]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/blog/?p=1960</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[There’s a lot being invested in the Big Society. The banks are dipping into their pockets to help capitalise a ‘Big Society Bank’. The investment community is being invited to support emerging social investment vehicles such as social impact bonds. And individuals are being encouraged to invest in ‘Society ISAs’. But one person has more invested in the idea than anyone else &#8211; the Prime Minister. After three torrid weeks for the Big Society, the PM made a speech yesterday designed to inject some much needed momentum into the idea. I understand that this is actually week one of a three week offensive linked to the core Big Society themes, which will involve the PM making high profile speeches and visits. They are: encouraging social action reforming public services empowering communities Social investment This week the emphasis is on encouraging social action including the launch of a strategy designed to encourage social investment. We learned some more details about how the Big Society Bank would operate (it will be a wholesale bank working with ‘social finance intermediaries’) but also some of the complications that are already cropping up (the bank will require approval from the European Commission before it can [...]]]></description>
		<wfw:commentRss>http://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/blog/1960/banking-on-the-big-society/feed/</wfw:commentRss>
		<slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
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		<title>Power to the people</title>
		<link>http://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/blog/1892/power-to-the-people/?source=rss</link>
		<comments>http://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/blog/1892/power-to-the-people/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Thu, 10 Feb 2011 11:31:12 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Adrian Brown</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[New models of governance and public services]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Accountability]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Public Services]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/blog/?p=1892</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Eight major charities wrote to The Times this week complaining about &#8220;a gap between rhetoric and reality&#8221; in the proposed NHS reforms. They argued that plans to make GP consortia accountable to the public are &#8220;far too weak&#8221;. If true, that&#8217;s concerning, because the NHS reforms, as well as reforms in schools, policing and other public services, are premised on the idea that services can be improved by strengthening local accountability and removing top-down controls. If the local accountability part of that formula is missing or weak then the reforms may fail to deliver the hoped for improvements. Understanding accountability There are two main challenges that any decentralising government must face. Firstly, can sufficiently robust devolved accountability mechanisms be put in place? Secondly, can Ministers and Whitehall &#8216;let go&#8217;? The Institute has been exploring both these questions but for the purposes of this blog I&#8217;ll focus on the former (see our work on Ministerial Accountability for the latter). Accountability implies that one group (let&#8217;s say the public) can ask another group (GPs) to justify their actions or performance. Consequences (positive or negative) can then follow. Academics have identified as many as eight different types of accountability: democratic, administrative, political, managerial, [...]]]></description>
		<wfw:commentRss>http://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/blog/1892/power-to-the-people/feed/</wfw:commentRss>
		<slash:comments>2</slash:comments>
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		<title>The end of the beginning for the Big Society</title>
		<link>http://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/blog/1761/the-end-of-the-beginning-for-the-big-society/?source=rss</link>
		<comments>http://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/blog/1761/the-end-of-the-beginning-for-the-big-society/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Thu, 27 Jan 2011 09:49:15 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Adrian Brown</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[New models of governance and public services]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Big Society]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Localism]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/blog/?p=1761</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[On Monday, the Times led with &#8216;Big Society in crisis as economy weakens&#8216;. [paywall] On Tuesday, Sir Stuart Etherington, NCVO chief executive, warned that the Big Society risks being &#8216;one Big Disappointment&#8216; if charities aren’t given the funding they need as a new survey revealed that nearly three quarters of supported housing charities face ‘disproportionate’ cuts. On Wednesday, research from Deloitte suggested that most councils are &#8216;baffled&#8217; by the Big Society agenda and so have understandably failed to implement anything. Regardless of what happens on Thursday and Friday, this isn’t looking great and some commentators are questioning whether the government is losing its nerve. The beginning of the end? Are we witnessing the beginning of the end of the Big Society? Despite the growing scepticism, the Prime Minister seems as keen as ever on the idea describing his agenda for public service reform as &#8216;a Big Society approach&#8216; just last week. I first blogged about the Big Society last August. Since then the idea has become more refined. The three related strands of social action, community empowerment and public service reform have been explored in depth. Behind each of these headings there now lies a host of initiatives, some led by government, [...]]]></description>
		<wfw:commentRss>http://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/blog/1761/the-end-of-the-beginning-for-the-big-society/feed/</wfw:commentRss>
		<slash:comments>4</slash:comments>
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		<title>Are Social Impact Bonds the answer to the fiscal crisis?</title>
		<link>http://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/blog/1633/are-social-impact-bonds-the-answer-to-the-fiscal-crisis/?source=rss</link>
		<comments>http://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/blog/1633/are-social-impact-bonds-the-answer-to-the-fiscal-crisis/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Thu, 20 Jan 2011 14:58:00 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Adrian Brown</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[New models of governance and public services]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Big Society]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Commissioning]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Public Services]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/blog/?p=1633</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Social Impact Bonds (SIBs) have been causing a “frenzy” of interest in Whitehall over the past few months. Hardly surprising given the current fiscal challenge and their apparent ability to attract external investment to our public services. If you are unfamiliar with SIBs, see our beginner’s guide to Social Impact Bonds. Putting it into practice There is only one SIB in existence at the moment (in the world) which is focused on reducing re-offending in Peterborough prison. The Ministry of Justice has agreed to pay for a reduction in the re-offending rates of short-sentence prisoners. On the back of this a group investors have stumped up £5 million to pay for a range of services focused on areas such as employment and housing to help offenders as they are rehabilitated. In truth, implementing SIBs requires a lot of hard work and negotiation between three different parties (commissioners, investors and the providers of services). In particular, there are three main challenges that must be overcome. Challenge 1: the savings must be bankable Firstly, the government needs to be able to stop spending money on something like welfare payments or healthcare. The problem is that savings can often be distributed, for example across [...]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
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		<item>
		<title>Social Impact Bonds: a beginner&#8217;s guide</title>
		<link>http://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/blog/1662/social-impact-bonds-a-beginner%e2%80%99s-guide/?source=rss</link>
		<comments>http://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/blog/1662/social-impact-bonds-a-beginner%e2%80%99s-guide/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Thu, 20 Jan 2011 14:57:46 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Adrian Brown</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[New models of governance and public services]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Big Society]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Commissioning]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Public Services]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/blog/?p=1662</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[At face value my offer is fantastic news. The more sceptical amongst you might ask how certain is that future payment. For example, if it is only 50% likely then the deal is only break even (ignoring inflation). Any worse than that and you’ll lose money. At this point I’ll have to admit that the £100 isn’t a certainty. Fair enough, I say, let me sweeten the deal a little more. I’m so confident about the future saving that I’m prepared to spend the £50 myself, right now, out of my own pocket. All I ask is that you sign a contract agreeing that if the full saving does materialise you’ll pay me £60 (to cover the £50 I spent plus £10 for my trouble). This really is a no-lose situation. In the worst case scenario you save nothing, but have spent nothing. In the best case scenario you get £40 for doing nothing. Early intervention This week’s review of Early Intervention (PDF, 1.2MB) by Graham Allen MP is the latest report to suggest this kind of financing mechanism as a possible solution to a previously intractable set of problems. Allen focuses on the first few years of a child’s [...]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
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		<title>Completing the localism jigsaw</title>
		<link>http://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/blog/1369/completing-the-localism-jigsaw/?source=rss</link>
		<comments>http://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/blog/1369/completing-the-localism-jigsaw/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Wed, 08 Dec 2010 11:28:54 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Adrian Brown</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[New models of governance and public services]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Localism]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/blog/?p=1369</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Completing a jigsaw puzzle is one of life’s simple pleasures. After poring over 1000 small pieces of cardboard for many hours, slotting the final piece into place is a suitably rewarding experience. Conversely, getting to the end of the puzzle only to find that one piece is missing is the ultimate frustration. The pieces of the localism jigsaw have been falling into place over the last few weeks. The Schools White Paper, the Public Health White Paper and the Police Reform and Social Responsibility Bill have all included important devolutionary policies that promise to push power away from Whitehall and hand it to “people and communities” removing great swathes of “bureaucracy and red-tape” in the process. Eric Pickles now holds the final piece of the puzzle in the form of the Localism Bill which is expected to be published this week. However, if we expect the localism picture to be complete as a result we are likely to be disappointed. There are just too many gaps still to be filled. What are we here for? Take the role of local authorities. After an apparent last minute change of heart, the Schools White Paper avoids bypassing them altogether but was suitably [...]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>4</slash:comments>
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